Responses to The Five Gospels: What Did Jesus Really Say? A New
Translation and Commentary by Robert W. Funk, Roy W. Hoover and the
Jesus Seminar (Polebridge, 1993) have been numerous and varied,
but only a few of them have been written by New Testament scholars
who claim to know the truth about the historical Jesus better than
do the Fellows of the Jesus Seminar. One of the most recent of these
is Jesus Under Fire. In it ten New Testament scholars have
joined forces to deal with "the furor" about the historical Jesus
that has appeared in the public media in recent years. At the forefront
of the endeavor that has attracted such troubling public notice is
the Jesus Seminar (p. 2). The contributors to this volume, eight of
whom hold teaching positions at an evangelical Christian seminary
or college, believe that the work of the Jesus Seminar is not a search
for the historical Jesus, but an attack on him. Whereas the scholars
of the Jesus Seminar have gone to the extreme of "denying the accuracy
of the biblical portrait of Jesus found in the New Testament," the
volume's editors say, "others have contended that the Jesus found
in the Bible and declared in the creeds of the church is the true
Jesus of history" (p. 5), the view shared, presumably, by the contributors
to this volume. Their aim in publishing the volume is to demonstrate
that "the claims of radical New Testament critics like the fellows
of the Jesus Seminar are false and not reasonable to believe in light
of the best evidence available" (p. 7). I will confine my remarks
on this attempt to mount a broadside rebuttal to the work of the Jesus
Seminar mostly to the chapter entitled, "The Words of Jesus in the
Gospels," since it most directly responds to the report of the Seminar
in The Five Gospels.
The author of the chapter on the words of Jesus is Darrell L. Bock,
Professor of New Testament studies at Dallas Theological Seminary,
an independent Baptist institution. Of basic importance for the argument
advanced by Professor Bock is the distinction he makes between "the
ipsissma verba ('his very words') and the ipsissima vox
('his very voice')" (p. 77), a distinction derived from Joachim
Jeremias, in the report of Jesus' teaching found in the Gospels. By
Jesus' "voice" Bock means both a summary of what Jesus taught
and its subsequent interpretation by those who believed in him. So
understood, Jesus' "voice" is more important than a verbatim
quotation of his words, in Bock's view, because in his "voice"
we hear what he really meant, not merely what he actually said. Jesus'
"voice" develops out of his words, to be sure; but it is
not simply identical with them. Bock puts his point this way: "Sometimes
events and sayings are understood better after reflection than when
they first took place." In such instances the meaning of a saying
or teaching can often be better expressed in a retrospective summary
than in a direct quotation, "because the events that follow it
reveal its full import" (p. 81). We all know that the full truth
of history is the meaning it comes to have in restrospect, Bock says;
and what is true about history as we experience it is also true about
the historical Jesus: it is in the retrospective view of him that
we read in the Gospels that we learn the truth about him.
The difference between Professor Bock's conception of what the search
for the historical Jesus is about and that of most critical scholars,
including the Fellows of the Jesus Seminar, is apparent in his definition
of Jesus' "voice." It would be more historically accurate
to call what Bock calls the "voice" of Jesus, the "voice"
of the early church. It is in the early church's formulations of their
faith that Bock finds the full meaning of what Jesus taught, not in
a recovery of what Jesus said on his own. That Jesus meant "more"
than he actually said is what his followers grasped after Easter,
and this "more" is what Bock takes to be Jesus' authentic
"voice." Historically viewed, what Bock claims is Jesus'
"voice" is actually early Christian interpretatlon.
When members of the Jesus Seminar refer to Jesus' "voice,"
they refer to the characteristic stance and style of Jesus' teaching
before Easter, not to the retrospective theological meaning conferred
upon Jesus' life and teaching by his followers after Easter. Bock's
definition of Jesus' "voice" refers to the early history
of Christian thought, rather than to a search for the historical Jesus.
His paramount interest, it seems clear, is Jesus' life's meaning,
not his life history. Jesus does not speak for himself in Bock's treatment
of his teaching; the Gospel authors speak for him. They are the ones
who most adequately know what Jesus meant.
When Bock chooses sayings material to illustrate how his approach
works in the study of the Gospels, in order to demonstrate the validity
of his conception of history and his method of inquiry, the difference
between his approach and that in The Five Gospels is similarly
unmistakable. Bock's choices of sayings materials are all confessional:
what the voice from heaven said at Jesus' baptism, "You are my
Son, the beloved; with you I am well pleased" (Mk 1:11; also
Mt 3:17, Lk 3:22); Peter's answer to Jesus' question about who he
really is, "You are the Christ" (Mk 8:27-30; also Mt 16:13-20,
Lk 9:18-21); and Jesus' response to the high priest's question during
his trial about whether or not he was the messiah, "I am... and
you will see the Son of Man sitting at the right hand of the Mighty
One and coming on the clouds of heaven" (Mk 14:61-62; also Mt
26:63-64, Lk 22: 67-69).
These are the sayings that matter, in Bock's view; even though parables
and aphorisms constitute about seventy percent of the content of sayings
attributed to Jesus in the Gospels, according to one recently published
estimate, not one of them is mentioned in this discussion of his words.
In The Five Gospels the first two of the sayings Bock chooses
to support his claims are not color-coded at all by the Jesus Seminar,
since they are not sayings attributed to Jesus; the third is colored
black, because the Seminar regarded it as almost certainly the creation
of the Gospel authors, not a saying of the historical Jesus. It seems
likely, on the other hand, that Professor Bock would have colored
each of his three choices red, since they express what he believes
is the truth about the historical Jesus.
It is evident from his conception of how the Gospels work as accounts
of Jesus' life and work, summarized above, and from his selection
of these three confessional statements as evidence that supports his
conception, that Professor Bock's aim (and that of his colleagues
who have contributed to the volume) is to defend the Gospel portraits
of Jesus, not to search for Jesus of Nazareth as a figure of history.
In other words, what interests Professor Bock and his colleauges is
not the historical figure of Jesus as he was before the Gospels were
written, but the messiah and savior who is portrayed in them. What,
in their view, the Jesus Seminar denies—"the biblical portrait
of Jesus found in the New Testament" (p. 3)—they want to defend.
Their intention, in other words, is to defend the reliability of the
Gospels as authoritative scriptures, not examine them as sources in
which one may find historical evidence.
Professor Bock's discussion of the criteria of authenticity ignores
the fresh and nuanced presentation of these in the introduction to
The Five Gospels as "rules of evidence," and resorts
to older definitions of three criteria—dissimilarity, multiple attestation,
and coherence. He claims that the Seminar both misconstrues these,
as he defiines them, and fails to use them consistently. Professor
Bock's discussion of the criteria of historical authenticity seems
to me to be untouched by historical consciousness. Son of Man christology
together with the idea of Jesus' death as a sacrifice for sin and
a ransom for many is the ruling criterion of authenticity for him.
Historical matters are merely aids to the vindication of this messianic
and redemptive meaning. With history thus safely subordinated to theology,
it is easy for Professor Bock to see these theological themes as authentic
elements of the teaching of the Jesus of history, and easy also for
him to see flaws in the Jesus Seminar's methodology and assessments
.
Bock's discussion of the criteria of authenticity shows that what
really is at issue between him (and his colleagues) and the Fellows
of the Jesus Seminar is not likely to be clarified by a debate about
criteria. At bottom, what distinguishes the scholars of the Jesus
Seminar from the scholars who have contributed to Jesus Under Fire
is not so much different judgments about the criteria of authenticity
(or "rules of evidence"), as a different conception of the
meaning of authenticity. That is, what distinguishes the two books
is the difference, as Van A. Harvey characterized it thirty years
ago, between a devotion to the ethic of religious belief and the authority
of tradition, on the one hand, and a commitment to the ethic of critical
judgment and historical knowledge, on the other. Within these ethical
universes both the role of the historian and the nature of historical
evidence are understood differently. The former was for centuries
the traditional view, according to which "the historian's task
is one of compiling and synthesizing the testimony of so-called authorities
or eyewitnesses. Formerly, the function of the historian was regarded
essentially as an editorial and harmonizing one. It rested on the
assumption that the historian has an obligation to believe another
person's report when that person claims to have knowledge of an observed
event. The historian is regarded as the believer and the person believed
is the authority" (The Historian and the Believer, p.
40).
This traditional view of historical evidence and of the historian's
task is continued in the work of the contributors to Jesus Under Fire.
Their aim is to come to the defense of the reliability and historicity
of the portrait of Jesus in the Gospels. As the editors of the volume
put it, "The authors of this volume are serious scholars deeply
committed to the truthfulness and rationality of historic, biblical
Christianity and the spiritual implications that follow from such
a commitment" (p.14). Here is devotion to the ethic of religious
belief and to the authority of tradition in full voice.
A scholar who is committed to the ethic of critical judgment and
historical knowledge, on the other hand, sees the persons whose testimony
provides us with the evidence on which we depend for knowledge of
the past not as authorities whose word is simply to be trusted, but
as historical creatures whose perceptions and judgments inevitably
reflect both the conceptuality and culture of their time and their
own position, interests, and beliefs as participants in that world.
From this perspective, as Harvey puts it, it is the responsibility
of the historian to assess the inferences and judgments made in his
sources, "to establish not only their meaning but their truth.
He cannot avoid either task, for to assume that the reports mean what
the ordinary reader takes them to mean overlooks the historically
conditioned nature of thought. To leave them uncriticised is simply
to attribute to the witness a capacity for critical judgment the historian
himself lacks or is too timid to exercise.
"In so far then as history aspires to be knowledge, in contrast
to belief, the historian must give reasons for what he asserts. As
soon as the reasons are forthcoming one ceases to rely on mere authority
or testimony.... If the historian permits his authorities to stand
uncriticized, he abdicates his role as critical historian. He is no
longer a seeker of knowledge but a mediator of past belief; not a
thinker but a transmitter of tradition" (Harvey, p. 42). From
the perspective of a scholar who is committed to the ethic of critical
judgment and historical knowledge, Professor Bock's discussion of
the authentic words of Jesus is the work of a scholar who has abdicated
his role as critical historian in order to mediate a traditional form
of belief. What we see in his treatment of Jesus' sayings is not reason
in search of historical truth, but reason claiming historical support
for religious belief.
The devotion to the ethic of belief that Professor Bock exhibits
in his chapter on the words of Jesus is clearly and forcefully stated
by the editors of Jesus Under Fire in their introduction to
the volume: "Any religious belief worthy of the name should be
accepted because we take the belief to be true and do so by the best
exercise of our mental faculties we can muster. Applied to Christianity,
we want to know if Jesus was really like what the New Testament says
he was like. Did he say the things attributed to him in the New Testament?
Was he really the only begotten Son of God? Did he actually perform
miracles and actually raise people from the dead in real space-time
history? Are there good reasons for thinking any of these things is
true? If the answer to these questions is yes, then Jesus Christ has
the right to require of us an unqualified allegiance to him. If the
answer is no, then Christianity as a total worldview should not be
believed or propagated" (p.7).
In light of this prefatory statement of the issue, it should come
as no surprise to find that the criticism of the Jesus Seminar and
The Five Gospels offered in Jesus Under Fire shows us not a
scholarship in command of a better knowledge of the historical Jesus,
but a scholarship that is unwilling, perhaps unable, even to raise
the question of the historical Jesus. This volume does show us that
what is a matter of principle to those who are committed to the ethic
of critical judgment and historical knowledge can be, and often is,
an offense to those who are devoted to the ethic of belief and the
authority of tradition. Viewed theologically rather than ethically,
this might be said to be the difference between seeing revelation
as history and seeing history as allegedly revelatory.